How do populists approach regional integration from the government? Existing research shows that a rhetoric backlash against regional organizations and their bureaucracies is central to contemporary populist leaderships, which increasingly project the ideational antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ onto the regional level. However, the various ways in which populists engage with regionalism when in power and controlling foreign policy apparatuses remain disputed. This study develops a typological framework that addresses both the sign of populist governments in legitimizing or delegitimizing regionalist processes and the magnitude of the efforts devoted to this purpose. Combining the two variables, this article charts four different paths of populist regionalism (a-regionalism, anti-regionalism, pro-regionalism, and para-regionalism), which are illustrated through examples from Europe and Latin America. The findings of this study elucidate common and varied elements in the strategic approach of populists in power towards regional (dis)integration, contributing to the emerging scholarly engagement with the multi-level effects of populism in Europe, the Americas, and beyond.

This article challenges common misconceptions about the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. It debunks the notion of a simplistic rebel/regime dichotomy and instead delineates the diversity of actors and interests in a post-Assad Syria. It also critiques the perception that Hayat Tahrir al-Sham won a decisive battlefield victory and illustrates that this was as much a political triumph as it was a military one. It then assesses how genuine the group's transformation from jihadist to pragmatist really is. Further, it shows any claims that Russia and Iran will leave Syria are unrealistic, while Israel's role in the country is often misunderstood. It concludes by critiquing the assertion that the international community has no good options in Syria and should therefore stay away. Instead, it advocates cautious engagement with the new regime. Overall, the analysis highlights Syria's complex power dynamics and warns against oversimp-lifications in devising policies for Syria's post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation.

How are international mediators depicted in the local cultural products of the parties to a conflict? Over the years, scholars have examined the question of parties’ attitudes toward mediators and the resulting impact on the effectiveness of mediation efforts. This article extends that inquiry, proposing an approach that uses the local cultural context as a prism by which to study how international mediators are represented in local cultural products of the parties in a conflict zone, such as plays, songs, and television shows. The study analyzes representations of international mediators in Israeli cultural products in the context of the Israeli–Arab and Israeli–Palestinian conflicts, and identifies four main narrative themes: (1) the mediator as useless and incompetent; (2) the mediator as arrogant and self-interested; (3) the mediator as a superhero; and (4) the mediator as the only “responsible adult” taking on a thankless mission. In addition, it examines how varying conditions can shape different cultural images of mediators in various cases. The research contributes to the literature on international mediation, and the intersection of International Relations and popular culture, and particularly the cultural reflection and images of conflicts and peacemaking.

Scholars and practitioners widely posit that listening to other people enhances efforts to persuade them. Listening may enhance persuasion by promoting cognitive processing, reducing defensiveness, and improving perceptions of the persuader. However, empirical tests of this widely theorized hypothesis are surprisingly scarce. We review the case for and against this hypothesis, arguing previous research has not sufficiently attended to reasons why listening may not enhance persuasion. We test this hypothesis using a preregistered, well-powered field experiment in which trained professional canvassers, acting as confederates, had ∼10 min video conversations with U.S. participants (N = 1,485) about unauthorized immigration, a salient topic of disagreement. We independently randomized whether confederates shared a persuasive narrative about an undocumented immigrant and whether they practiced high-quality nonjudgmental listening to participants’ opinions. We measured outcomes immediately after the conversation and again five weeks later. Sharing a persuasive narrative meaningfully and durably reduced prejudice and changed policy attitudes. The listening manipulation also successfully improved perceptions of the persuader and increased processing. Surprisingly, however, the listening manipulation did not enhance persuasion: Sharing a persuasive narrative was just as effective in the absence of high-quality listening. We discuss theoretical and practical implications.

This article examines how populism reconfigures diplomacy. We contend that populist leaders practice a new form of diplomacy, i.e., champion diplomacy, which poses significant problems for negotiating and implementing international agreements. Portraying themselves as championing the causes of the people in its supposed struggle against the elites, champion diplomats sideline career diplomats, use simple and often coarse language, and prefer direct public diplomatic encounters, often on social media, over more traditional diplomatic channels. This complicates getting to the negotiation table, makes it more difficult to come up with meaningful agreements, and causes problems for implementing them. Our empirical research of two cases, US nuclear diplomacy towards North Korea and the Abraham Accords between Israel as well as the United Arab Emirates, Bahrein, Morocco and Sudan provides strong evidence for our claims. Our findings have important implications for diplomacy and international order more generally. With populist practices increasingly diffusing in diplomatic conduct, even beyond non-populist leaders, concluding workable agreements among states becomes more and more difficult.

Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a leading cause of mortality and morbidity worldwide, linked to numerous health, economic, and human rights outcomes. Target 5.2 of the Sustainable Development Goals calls for elimination of all forms of VAWG; however, progress toward achieving this goal has been inadequate. A lack of sufficient data and evidence has hindered global efforts to meet this target and hold governments accountable for action. While there have been substantial advancements in VAWG research methodology over the past three decades, researchers from diverse disciplines tend to work in silos, inhibiting progress in VAWG research. To address this challenge, we offer four key recommendations to support researchers in expanding transdisciplinary approaches: 1) leverage insights from a variety of VAWG data sources, 2) improve precision of VAWG definitions and outcomes, 3) create strategies to address underreporting, and 4) advance research ethics and equity. We conclude with a call to action for researchers, institutions, and donors to advance transdisciplinary research and foster collaboration, learning, and cross-fertilization across scientific fields to accelerate VAWG prevention efforts now and for future generations.

The ongoing questions that ethno-nationally divided urban communities face concerning human rights are often exacerbated by large-scale events that challenge everyday local dynamics, such as wars and pandemics. This study, situated within discussions concerning the “localization” of human rights, explores what factors lead city-zens (citizens of the city) to pin expectations of safeguarding human rights on the local authority, focusing on urban identity, ethno-national identity, and the city’s ethno-national heterogeneity. We explore Israel’s homogeneous and mixed (Jewish-Palestinian) cities, wherein city-zens navigate their conflicting identities amidst eruptions of the long-standing conflict, as demonstrated by its latest escalation in October 2023. Drawing on an original survey and in-depth interviews, we find that urban identity is associated with city-zens’ expectations that their city will safeguard human rights, particularly among the (Jewish) majority in mixed cities. We further divide urban identity into legal and social dimensions, elucidating its role in shaping local perspectives on human rights in ethno-nationally conflicted societies.

This article discusses the interplay between territorial sovereignty and national self-determination in international politics. It starts by drawing parallels between historical events such as the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and previous incidents of territorial snatching. The central argument is that the variance in international responses to these events can be explained by the extent to which these actions align with the moral principle of national self-determination. The underlying contradiction between territorial sovereignty and national self-determination is often underestimated. While sovereignty is framed as an instrumental institution aimed at preserving the territorial status quo, self-determination is characterized by a moral imperative that advocates territorial distribution based on legitimate claims of national affiliation. This contradiction is not merely theoretical; it has tangible implications for international relations. States often profess loyalty to the principle of self-determination while adhering to the territorial status quo. Despite this, self-determination claims carry moral weight because they induce passivity in the international community when an aggressor justifies actions relying on the principle. This can lead, for example, to a limited international response in cases of irredentism.

Can major cities accommodate the growing political polarization surrounding immigration? Attitudes of city residents toward immigrants varies widely, influenced by factors like urban diversity, labor market dynamics, and cultural identity. While some embrace immigrants as enriching urban life, others view them as threats to culture and economic stability. Using data from three original surveys from Berlin, Barcelona, and Paris (N=1500), we explore how engagement in urban politics shapes these attitudes, considering national and non-national identities. Results indicate a correlation between political engagement and positive attitudes towards immigrants but also reveal how it can reinforce existing identity-based biases, potentially polarizing urban politics. Our comparative analysis highlights city-specific variations, with Berlin showing favorable attitudes alongside stronger polarization than Paris and Barcelona. These differences possibly stem from urban conditions, such as diversity, capital city status, and pro-immigrant policies. The findings emphasize the role of cities in addressing immigration challenges and fostering a-national affiliations.

Russia has long been involved in the affairs of the Middle East. Seeking to control essential trade routes around the Caspian and Black seas, the Russian Empire fought a long series of wars with the Ottoman Empire as well as Safavid and Qajar Iran. It also evinced a great interest in other parts of the region, such as Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. Moscow’s involvement in the affairs of the Middle East has been crucial and impactful. It had a hand in the weakening of the Ottoman Empire; the disintegration of the Persian Empire; and the rise of modern Iran, Turkey, and Israel. The successor to the Czarist Empire, the Soviet Union, expanded its involvement in the Middle East even further into North Africa. It sent weapons and advisors to several countries in the region, exacerbating along the way both Arab-Israeli and Iraqi-Iranian tensions. It also built major development projects, such as a steel mill in Iran and the high Aswan dam in Egypt. For several years during the 1970s, the Soviet Union maintained naval facilities in Egypt and Syria as well as an airfield near Cairo. Last but not least, the USSR helped Iraq and Algeria develop national energy companies, thus weakening the market power of Western oil corporations. Russia is still at it now. The Putin regime has struck a strategic alliance with Iran, improved relations with Turkey, and sent mercenaries to Libya as well as expeditionary forces to Syria.