How does the use of judicial framing, a repeated selection of certain features across a large number of related cases, enable courts to be active participants in national immigration policymaking? Previous legal studies have often underestimated the judicial impact on national immigration policies and focused, instead, on courts’ limited intervention in landmark cases. In this article, we show that by repeatedly using a particular judicial framing as part of their daily practice over a large group of legal cases, courts can help form a new national policy related to forced migration without setting any explicit legal precedent that challenges the decisions of the country's security authorities and government ministries. The analysis presented here examines the Israeli High Court of Justice's engagement in Israel's immigration policymaking toward Palestinians who claimed to have worked with Israeli security agencies as collaborators and were fearful of harsh reprisals if they remained in Palestinian autonomous areas. By looking beyond the outcomes of individual cases, our analysis opens another avenue for research on courts’ hidden intervention into national immigration policy through adopting and further developing new legal categories of forced migrants as part of their practice in the national arena.

Comparative politics scholars argue that consensual democratic institutions encourage power-sharing that promotes “kinder, gentler” politics. We uncover one reason why this is the case: elite inter-party cooperation in consensual systems is associated with reduced inter-party hostility in the mass public. This is because governing parties’ supporters feel much more warmly toward their coalition partner(s) than we can explain based on policy agreement alone. Moreover, these warm affective evaluations linger long after the coalition itself has dissolved. We substantiate our arguments via analyses of CSES survey data from 19 Western democracies between 1996 and 2017, showing that current and past co-governance is associated with substantially warmer inter-party affective evaluations. This implies that electoral systems which encourage coalition governance may defuse partisan hostility.

As more computational communication researchers turn to supervised machine learning methods for text classification, we note the challenge in implementing such techniques within an imbalanced dataset. Such issues are critical in our domain, where, in many cases, researchers attempt to identify and study theoretically interesting categories that can be rare in a target corpus. Specifically, imbalanced distributions, with a skewed distribution of texts among the categories, can lead to a lengthy and expensive annotation stage, forcing practitioners to sample and label large numbers of texts to train a classification model. In this paper, we provide an overview of the issue, and describe existing strategies for mitigating such challenges. Noting the pitfalls of previous solutions, we then provide a semi-supervised method – Expert Initiated Latent Space Sampling – that complements researcher domain expertise with a systematic, unsupervised exploration of the latent semantic space to overcome such limitations. Utilizing simulations to systematically evaluate our method and compare it to existing approaches, we show that our procedure offers significant advantages in terms of efficiency and accuracy in many classification tasks.

This paper places the arguments about the rise of the regulatory security state in a broader perspective of regulatory governance and regulatory state literatures. It suggests that the regulatory security state is one morph of the regulatory state. It does not replace any other morph and indeed it is only partly new. I clarify the terminology around the ‘old’ and new’ regulatory (security) state and suggests how to think about the concept of the RSS from a perspective of the state as a risk manager. The first part clarifies the idea of the ‘regulatory state’ and its origins. The second part distinguishes between the old regulatory state and the new regulatory state, and therefore also distinguishes between the old and the new RSS. The third part suggests that the regulatory state can be a positive, liberal or illiberal state. The fourth part theorizes the RSS as a risk state. Together these clarifications allow a more theoretically rich framework for the study of security governance from a regulatory governance perspective.

Background and objective Over the past decade, researchers have been seeking to understand the consequences of adult attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) for different types of everyday behaviors. In this study, we investigated the associations between ADHD and political participation and attitudes, as ADHD may impede their active participation in the polity. Methods This observational study used data from an online panel studying the adult Jewish population in Israel, collected prior the national elections of April 2019 (N = 1369). ADHD symptoms were assessed using the 6-item Adult ADHD Self-Report (ASRS-6). Political participation (traditional and digital), news consumption habits, and attitudinal measures were assessed using structured questionnaires. Multivariate linear regression analyses were conducted to analyze the association between ADHD symptoms (ASRS score <17) and reported political participation and attitudes. Results 200 respondents (14.6%) screened positive for ADHD based on the ASRS-6. Our findings show that individuals with ADHD are more likely to participate in politics than individuals without ADHD symptoms (B = 0.303, SE = 0.10, p = .003). However, participants with ADHD are more likely to be passive consumers of news, waiting for current political news to reach them instead of actively searching for it (B = 0.172, SE = 0.60, p = .004). They are also more prone to support the idea of silencing other opinions (B = 0.226, SE = 0.10, p = .029). The findings hold when controlling for age, sex, level of education, income, political orientation, religiosity, and stimulant therapy for ADHD symptoms. Conclusions Overall, we find evidence that individuals with ADHD display a unique pattern of political activity, including greater participation and less tolerance of others’ views, but not necessarily showing greater active interest in politics. Our findings add to a growing body of literature that examines the impact of ADHD on different types of everyday behaviors.

There is a gap between the particulars ofour scholarly knowledge about Georg Simmel and our image of him as a mind in its totality. The existing paradigmatic interpretations of Simmel's thought as a whole are often outdated and driven by anachronistic motivations. The task of the historian is to update these paradigms on the basis of our better and broader knowledge of Simmel and his contexts. My book is one such attempt. The paradigm it puts forward may help us to discard the familiar stereotypes of Simmel, while offering a more nuanced understanding of the main parameters of his thought and its development. It can also serve as a foundation for future non-historical studies of Simmel.

Israel has a unicameral legislature called the Knesset, and is a parliamentary democracy. After independence in 1948, the first Knesset was elected in 1949. Since there have been 24 elections. The 25th Knesset was elected on 1 November 2022. In Israel’s first 70 years there were 20 elections, which means that on average a parliamentary election was held every 3½ years, out of a maximum term of office of four years. However, in the last 3½ years there have been no less than five parliamentary elections. This article begins by explaining the three main features of the Israeli electoral system, it then elaborates how the seats in Israel are distributed, what then follows is a delineation of the party blocs in the party system, and subsequently an analysis of the 2022 elections alongside a short explanation of why Israel went through five elections in 3½ years – an unparalleled series of elections in any established democracy.

Concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across Western democracies. Despite growing attention to affective polarization, existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-level interparty hostility. Drawing on scholarship on women’s behavior as elected representatives and citizens’ beliefs about women politicians, we posit the women MPs affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal, partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions of women MPs. We evaluate this claim with an original dataset on women’s presence in 125 political parties in 20 Western democracies from 1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans’ affective ratings of political opponents. We show that women’s representation is associated with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women partisans react positively to out-party women MPs. Increasing women’s parliamentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility.

What is the significance of GDP per capita to a society? What does it represent conceptually? These questions have been addressed in past decades, engendering extensive explorations of the limitations of the indicator, yet answers have proved problematic or partial. The paper presents the main conclusions so far drawn and builds upon them to present a new reading of the significance of GDP per capita. At the heart of this reading is the view that, while GDP per capita is not indicative of the welfare of individuals, it is indicative of an irreducible ‘group well-being.’ This view, however, requires one to relinquish the belief that only individuals can be ‘well.’ It turns out that the allegedly orthodox view, which sees GDP as a human-centered indicator, requires an unorthodox philosophical standpoint, one that accepts an irreducible group well-being. The paper presents this alternative interpretation and addresses its upsides and limitations.

This article analyzes the emergence of new forms of regulatory intermediation in three different modes of governance. It compares the emergence of the European data protection and Facebook’s content moderation regimes and raises three questions: How did self-regulation in the European data protection and Facebook’s content moderation regimes evolve over time? What are the similarities and differences in the design of these regimes? And what are the strengths and weaknesses of these regimes in promoting credible self-regulation? To answer these questions, the article process-traces the development of the two regimes and shows how intermediaries and intermediation are used in order to systematically and progressively increase credible governance via market, network, and hierarchical modes of governance. By analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of these three modes of governance, it is concluded that they can be used as blueprints for designing hybrid modes of enhanced self-regulation. In this way, the article introduces ways to capture and study new technologies of regulation that facilitate, manage, and improve the credibility of self-regulation in complex polycentric governance regimes, and well beyond.