How do populists approach regional integration from the government? Existing research shows that a rhetoric backlash against regional organizations and their bureaucracies is central to contemporary populist leaderships, which increasingly project the ideational antagonism between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’ onto the regional level. However, the various ways in which populists engage with regionalism when in power and controlling foreign policy apparatuses remain disputed. This study develops a typological framework that addresses both the sign of populist governments in legitimizing or delegitimizing regionalist processes and the magnitude of the efforts devoted to this purpose. Combining the two variables, this article charts four different paths of populist regionalism (a-regionalism, anti-regionalism, pro-regionalism, and para-regionalism), which are illustrated through examples from Europe and Latin America. The findings of this study elucidate common and varied elements in the strategic approach of populists in power towards regional (dis)integration, contributing to the emerging scholarly engagement with the multi-level effects of populism in Europe, the Americas, and beyond.

While existing research highlights the links between personal corruption experiences, perceptions of corruption, and lower subjective well-being, little is known about the effect of living in a more corrupt place over and above the direct economic effect. However, in theory corruption can also undermine subjective well-being outside of its direct economic effects. This study addresses this gap. Using data from Round 8 of the Afrobarometer and the 2014 Americas Barometer, we show that conditional on individual and regional economic conditions, the intensity of regional corruption significantly predicts poorer subjective well-being. In the African context, this result is driven by corruption relating to government documents and permits. In the Latin American and Caribbean context, corruption in the judicial system is most damaging. While we find little difference between men and women in Latin America and the Caribbean, there is no effect of local corruption in any domain on the subjective well-being of women in Africa. For women in Africa, the direct effect of exposure to bribery is significant while it is insignificant for men. These findings underscore the importance of addressing corruption to improve the quality of life for people around the world.

The study delves into the image migration of liberation films shot by Soviet camera teams in the concentration camps Auschwitz and Majdanek. Scattered and incomplete, these films pose challenges for scholars seeking origin, context, and migration paths. For this exploration, the EU Horizon 2020 project ‘Visual History of the Holocaust’ (VHH) marked a watershed moment. Through digitization and computer aided film analysis, VHH compiled and categorized Allied liberation films, including footage previously unknown to the public. This facilitated a nuanced understanding of how footage migrated in various versions and hence will help to explore its historical significance. The project linked the original liberation footage with its use in early documentaries, revealing how compilation films functioned as carriers for dispersed archives worldwide. In case of the Soviet liberation materials, much of the iconic footage only survived in early compilations like OSWIECIM and MAJDANEK. However, comparisons between newly acquired and known footage allows reconstructing the missing archival records to a certain extent. Geopolitical challenges limited access to certain film versions, emphasizing the importance of external research for completing the archival records. Despite these obstacles, the VHH project showcases how technology and comprehensive analyses transform the study of historical film footage, unveiling layers of untapped cinematic memory.

Over the past twenty-five years, conceptualisations regarding where, when and how tourists travel have undergone profound changes. For many years, surveys, maps relying on tourists’ recall, and physical surveillance were the only means through which the mobility of tourists could be tracked. The internet, cellular phone networks and satellite-based technology has facilitated new methods to collect data, including Bluetooth tracking, Wi-Fi tracking, mobile phone data, social media and GPS location-based data. It has also facilitated new forms of data, including big data, real-time data collection and continuous tracking data. Moreover, it has enabled new forms of data analysis including automation, artificial intelligence, and predictive analytics. As a result of these innovations, researchers have extended theoretical knowledge within tourism geographies, particularly in relation to tourists’ spatiotemporal activity including visitation patterns, activity within specific locations, dispersal patterns and the impact of mobility upon emotions. This paper reviews the history of tourist tracking over the last 25 years, along with conceptual findings that have emerged from innovations in technology. It argues that there have been four stages of tourist tracking, namely: the pre-technology era, the tourist tracking 1.0 era characterised by the emergence of Global Positioning Systems technology, the tourist tracking 2.0 era whereby mobile phone, internet, and location-based technologies were developed, and the recent 3.0 era that is characterised by artificial intelligence, physiological sensors, mobile eye tracking and real time tracking. The paper concludes by highlighting future research needs, including predictive analysis, ethical considerations and use of tracking technology to encourage activity change.

For many years, historians have not given due attention to the relations between the Nordic countries and Israel. As a consequence, the existing body of research on this topic is almost entirely conducted by scholars from the social sciences, especially international relations and conflict resolution studies, a fact that has led to an overemphasis on their occasional interstate political disputes. This book offers a fresh and exciting historical analysis of their relations during the three decades following Israel’s establishment in 1948, focusing on their connection points and mutual influences in various fields. Furthermore, it is mapping Israel geographically according to the traces of diverse Nordic-Israeli initiatives throughout the years. In recent years, scholarship on Nordic studies has yielded new research areas regarding the influence of these countries on other parts of the world, and vice versa. Nordic policies, attitudes and experience have been analyzed in the framework of knowledge circulation, and this in turn sparked a renewed scholarly interest in the Nordic model(s). The book fits into this stream of research by arguing that close historical investigation helps to construct, and sometimes also deconstruct, the fluid definition of the Nordic model(s). By focusing on the intersection between Israel studies and Nordic studies, it provides insights into the complex, yet fascinating relations that developed between these countries since the mid twentieth-century.

This article explores the distinctive features of Latin American regionalism by examining its rhetorical justifications during the onset of the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic offered an exceptional opportunity to witness the professed role of regional organizations in the Global South as bridges between national and international systems: how this role is discursively constructed and the practical limitations it faces in times of disruption. We address different attempts to (self-)justify the relevance of regionalist visions, analyzing how three (inter-)regional organizations of the Americas reacted discursively to the global public health crisis: the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Ibero-American Summits (SEGIB). We examine three features that have traditionally shaped Latin American visions of regionalism: coping with world hegemony; striving for regional autonomy; and expressing transnational solidarity. The findings provide insights for further understanding the legitimation of regional and global governance under conditions of uncertainty.

This article presents a conceptual and methodological framework that focuses on the interactivity, creativity, and variability of Holocaust images in digital media. Our argument unfolds in three stages. First, we introduce the concept of playful images: historical images that undergo recontextualisation, serving memetic, personal, and interactive engagements in and by digital media. Secondly, drawing on pivotal scholarship in digital methods, anthropology, sociology, and visual analysis, we identify a lacuna in contemporary methodologies and provide a rationale for an innovative approach to visual memory analysis in digital media that considers both digital media affordances and the appropriation of visual and historical materials in digital media. For that purpose, we thirdly outline a visual walkthrough method (VWM), a pragmatic performance of our approach tailored for analysing interactive digital experiences featuring playful images. By examining the playful appropriation of historical images in the video game Call of Duty: WWII (2017), we demonstrate how the interactive experience of playful images can be analysed with the help of the VWM. We conclude by discussing the position of our proposed conceptual and methodological framework within media and memory studies in the digital age.

With the global rise to power of populist leaders over the past decade, research on populism, including its international implications, has flourished. However, we still lack a nuanced understanding of the international effects of this new populist wave. The special section that this article introduces seeks to bridge this gap by systematically examining three types of international effects of populism. One group of contributions addresses the impact of populism on the processes of foreign policy-making in countries governed by populists (politics). Another group focuses on effects in terms of foreign policy agenda and its substantive outcomes (policies). A third group of contributions studies the impact of populism on states' stances towards international institutions (international polity). This introduction proposes a theoretical framework that takes into account the existent diversity among populist governments, specifically addressing how the more or less authoritarian character of populism explains variations in international outcomes across politics, policies and polities. A better understanding of these varied characters and effects can contribute new insights to lively debates about the potential challenges posed by populism and populists in the contemporary international order, and the prospects for mitigation.

The study of populism's international links has grown significantly. Yet, there are gaps in conceptualizing potential implications for the international order. Our study contributes to filling this gap by asking: if a ‘populist international order’ (PIO) were to emerge, and populists could envision the world close(r) to their liking, what would this order look like? We pursue answers through a plausibility probe of three deductively-derived normative pillars: 1) cooperation under a PIO is characterized by more fractured, mostly symbolic, small-scale multilateralism; 2) a PIO relies on a narrow, selective embrace of the rule of law, to be respected only when seen as representing the wishes of the ‘real people’; and 3) the commitment to pluralism in ‘international society’ is replaced by an anti-pluralist, monolithic notion of popular sovereignty as the primary behavioural driver. Our analysis is based on contemporary populist leadership from Latin America: Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro, Venezuela's Nicolás Maduro and Mexico's Andrés Manuel López Obrador. We examine how these populists have addressed our proposed PIO pillars in different ways and shaped their world-order visions in relation to them. The lessons derived from this study can contribute to bridging gaps regarding the effects of global populism in International Relations, including prospects of mitigating the systemic impact of populism on the international order.

The quest for legitimacy has traditionally been intrinsic to the political phenomenon of populism, while legitimation struggles are increasingly relevant once populist leaderships take government control. However, the rich literature on populism and legitimacy has hardly interacted and, therefore, analysis of populists' international (de)legitimation strategies has been scarce. This chapter addresses the ways in which incorporating theoretical frameworks on legitimacy and (de)legitimation into the ideational approach can contribute to better understand the drivers, patterns, and impact of the global rise of contemporary populist leaderships, suggesting new avenues for research on the potential international mitigation of populism.